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Workers sort out ballot boxes before dispatching them to polling stations ahead of Pakistan’s general election in 2018. Photo: Reuters

Can Pakistan’s election bring political stability, and improve ties with India, despite a ‘polycrisis at home’?

  • The outcome of Thursday’s election is expected to further empower its military-led establishment and do little to politically stabilise the country
  • With military strongmen in charge, analysts said there is little chance of relations between Pakistan and India being normalised
Pakistan
Pakistan will head to the polls next Thursday to elect a new government, but the outcome of the election is expected to further empower its military-led establishment and do little to politically stabilise the country of about 242 million people.
Analysts say that with hardline generals set to remain in power, there is little chance of normalising relations between Pakistan and India, with the former dealing with a “polycrisis at home” that includes tensions with the Taliban and rising insurgent violence.

The elections come after a brief campaign marred by the military’s efforts to prevent jailed ex-prime minister Imran Khan from regaining power.

Despite his imprisonment on controversial charges, Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party is expected to give front runner the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) party a run for its money.

Ousted Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan on Tuesday was sentenced to 10 years in jail for revealing state secrets. Photo: AFP

But the consensus among poll watchers is that no single party will win a majority in the National Assembly on February 8.

The Pakistani establishment “has tended to prefer coalitions and if, as is being reported, it is managing these elections like before, we may yet see another coalition emerge from these elections,” said Husain Haqqani, a former Pakistani ambassador who is currently a senior fellow at the Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy in Abu Dhabi.

More than 128 million Pakistanis are eligible to cast ballots for candidates contesting elections for the National Assembly and one of the country’s four provincial assemblies.

However, the overall result will hinge on the outcome of the elections in eastern Punjab province, which is home to slightly more than half the country’s population and a matching number of National Assembly seats.

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Punjab is also Khan’s home province, as well Nawaz Sharif – another former prime minister, and the leading recruitment ground for the military.

“Pakistan suffers from majoritarian tyranny in the sense that out of the total four of the federating units, one federating unit is population wise bigger than the other three,” said former senator Afrasiab Khattak.

“So the party that wins Punjab forms the government at the federal level.”

Much will depend on the PTI’s ability to mobilise its base through social media because the party was stripped of its symbol, a cricket bat, in December by Pakistan’s election commission for failing to hold credible internal polls.

This has forced its candidates to contest the general election as independents, each assigned a different symbol, making it difficult for many PTI voters to identify their party’s candidate.

Nawaz Sharif is seeking to become Pakistan’s prime minister for a record fourth time. Photo: AFP

Resultantly, voter turnout, which averaged about 50 per cent in national polls in 2008, 2013 and 2018, could be on the low side, analysts said.

This makes the formation of another weak multiparty coalition government, led by PML-N chief Sharif, the most likely outcome.

Sharif is bidding to become Pakistan’s prime minister for an unprecedented fourth time, having previously been elected in 1990, 1997 and 2013.

On each occasion, he was removed from power by the military-led establishment, and was twice imprisoned on corruption charges that ultimately failed to stick – most recently in June 2018, a month before the election that ushered Khan and the PTI into power.

With their circumstances now reversed, the credibility of Pakistan’s February 8 election and the shaky coalition administration it is expected to yield has already been greatly undermined.

Only credible elections, by representing popular aspirations, can bring stability, rigged elections lead to instability
Afrasiab Khattak, former Pakistani senator

“The way judicial and administrative organs of the state have been used to make sure that the PTI doesn’t win the election, the elections will have a credibility problem,” said Khattak, who is a ranking member of the National Democratic Movement, an ethnic Pashtun nationalist party opposed to the political dominance of Pakistan’s military.

“Only credible elections, by representing popular aspirations, can bring stability,” he said, adding that “rigged elections lead to instability”.

Analysts said this expected outcome would further empower the Pakistani establishment, with no stability in sight.

Each one of Pakistan’s 11 previous general elections “have been mired in controversy and the 12th one scheduled for February 8 is not different”, said Haqqani, who is also the author of Reimagining Pakistan: Transforming A Dysfunctional Nuclear State.

Until all Pakistani political actors “agree on political rules of the game, instability is unavoidable”, he said, adding: “There will be a ruling party or coalition, and there will be an aggrieved party trying to pull it down”.

“Add to that” the US$78 billion of foreign debt coming due between now and 2026, and the resurgent threat of terrorism to Pakistan, and “the reason for anticipating uncertainty becomes obvious”, Haqqani said.

Khattak said Pakistan underwent a “creeping coup”, beginning in 2014 and climaxing in 2018, leading to a military-dominated elected government under what’s commonly referred to as “the hybrid system”.

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Pakistan’s democracy was “further militarised” by the coalition administration led by the PML-N which replaced Khan after he was removed in an April 2022 no confidence vote.

“So it is now a hybrid-plus system,” said Khattak, who predicted “another round of civil-military squabbles” during the tenure of Pakistan’s next government.

With military strongmen in charge, analysts said there is little chance of relations between Pakistan and India being normalised following the election.
That’s all the more likely with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party widely expected to remain in power when Indians vote in April and May.
Sameer Lalwani, a senior South Asia expert at the Washington-based United States Institute of Peace think tank, said there’s unlikely to be “any movement on the bilateral relationship in the near term”.
“Thanks to the relatively durable” three-year-old ceasefire between Pakistan and India in disputed Kashmir state, New Delhi has been concentrating on its northern border with China, following clashes there in May 2022.

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Meanwhile, Pakistan “has had its hands full with a polycrisis at home” that is related to its tensions with the Taliban-led regime in Afghanistan and rising levels of terrorism by Pakistani Taliban and ethnic Baloch insurgents, he said.

Forthcoming elections in Pakistan and India “mean both countries will be busy with political consolidation and governance planning” in the first half of the year.

In the second half of 2024, “we might observe some thaws in the relationship” including diplomatic ties, trade, and travel corridors, Lalwani speculated.

Haqqani said India would “continue with economic growth” after its elections, while Pakistan would “continue to be mired in political and ideological squabbles”.

Therefore, the expected outcomes of elections in Pakistan and India are not expected to change the geopolitical situation of South Asia.

The United States will continue to see India as an economic opportunity and will view Pakistan as “a problem to be managed”, while China will “remain Pakistan’s backer of last resort” because of China’s growing competition with India, Haqqani said.

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