Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida (left) and South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol attend a joint press conference after their talks at the presidential office in Seoul, South Korea, on May 7. Kishida was in South Korea for a two-day visit to strengthen ties. Photo: EPA-EFE

Opinion

Riaz Khokhar

Why Japan should spearhead an Asia-centric regional security group

Tokyo could reach out to other countries within the Indo-Pacific region that share its concerns regarding Beijing
Excluding extra-regional powers like the US, but including China in the forum would enable progress on rules for economic activity, navigation and exercises

Riaz Khokhar

Published: 3:45pm, 4 Aug 2023

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On July 28, Japan unveiled its annual defence white paper. The content echoes the language of Tokyo’s national security strategy released in December regarding the security threats posed by China, Russia and North Korea.

For instance, it specifically underscores Beijing’s growing military assertiveness around Japan since 2013 and its attempts to unilaterally alter the regional status quo, particularly in relation to Taiwan.

Unsurprisingly, China has reacted strongly to the paper, accusing Tokyo of meddling in its domestic affairs and stoking regional tensions.

China also criticised the formation of “targeted blocs” against it, apparently referring to regional security groups led by the United States.

The white paper emphasised strengthening deterrence and joint capabilities with the US, as well as reinforcing collaboration with like-minded countries like Britain and Australia as two key defence approaches to address these security challenges, in addition to the enhancement of Japan’s defence architecture.

Last month, China’s top diplomat Wang Yi also encouraged Japan and South Korea to foster trilateral cooperation in regional economic development and security stability, while cautioning against endorsing the policies of countries outside the region.

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Perhaps it’s time for Japan to consider China’s suggestions and form an Asia-centric regional security group. Tokyo could reach out to other countries within the Indo-Pacific region that share its concerns on China’s regional behaviour.

This could lead to a collective that includes China, Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia, India, Australia and potentially Indonesia, the largest Association of Southeast Asian Nations member by land and population, with significant political influence.

Forming a security cooperation group, notably excluding extra-regional powers like the US, could prove advantageous for several reasons.

First, a precedent already exists for such a regional grouping in the form of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, the world’s largest free-trade agreement. Except for India, which opted out due to domestic economic reasons, all the aforementioned countries are RCEP participants.

If these nations can sustain a joint free-trade agreement, adhering to shared rules and regulations, they could establish a collective security partnership based on agreed rules of regional conduct.

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Second, since 2002, Asean and China have maintained a declaration on the conduct of parties in the South China Sea, pledging respect for each other’s freedom of navigation and overflight, self-restraint in the conduct of activities, and peaceful resolution of disputes.

However, efforts to conclude a binding code of conduct have been unsuccessful. This impasse has led to China being accused of military coercion against regional claimants performing economic activities in their exclusive economic zones, while China has questioned their economic activities and the presence of Western military vessels in the sea’s disputed areas. As long as a code of conduct remains outstanding, these skirmishes are likely to continue.

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Third, implementing a dedicated security coordination mechanism involving only regional stakeholders – Asean claimant states, China, Japan, India and Australia – could promote broader regional stability.

This would not only address South China Sea issues but extend to the East China Sea, Japan’s northern territories, the Sea of Japan, the South Pacific, the Indian Ocean and contested areas between India and China.

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Fourth, many of these regional nations already have bilateral defence cooperation agreements in place and diplomatic support for each other’s regional positions.

Japan, for instance, maintains a robust defence partnership with India, a reciprocal access agreement with Australia, has recently improved relations with South Korea, and could sign a visiting forces agreement with the Philippines.

Australia holds visiting forces agreements with the Philippines, Malaysia and Singapore, and has been strengthening defence cooperation with Indonesia and Vietnam. It’s also a firm defence partner of India, which recently endorsed, for the first time, the 2016 arbitration tribunal ruling in favour of Manila against Beijing.

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China is a shared challenge for these countries. Bringing them into a collective agreement would create powerful leverage. Additionally, incorporating China into these discussions to set terms and conditions for regional security cooperation and military activities could be beneficial.

Annual dialogues in such a forum could help hold any violators of agreed regional conduct rules accountable. Given the individual power of most of these countries, they are less likely to be swayed by China to veto a joint communique criticising Beijing’s coercive activities in the region, sidestepping the challenges currently experienced in Asean discussions.

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Lastly, this security partnership should not focus on dispute resolution, given the diverse nature of disputes between these states and China, but should aim to establish rules of the road for economic activity, navigation and exercises in the region.

Respecting maritime boundaries set by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, which all these countries have ratified, should be a fundamental starting point. Military exercises in contested maritime regions should be avoided.

A critical aspect of this framework would be a mutual agreement that any claimant state’s activity in disputed regions that unilaterally changes the status quo would warrant the involvement of other regional countries and outside powers for a joint military response.

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Such a security cooperation framework with agreed-upon rules could reduce the likelihood of unintended military encounters and subsequent diplomatic crises.

It would also help to avoid political tensions arising from military exercises conducted by regional countries with outside powers. Finally, agreed rules regarding military or naval activities will increase transparency and build trust.

Riaz Khokhar is a research analyst on geopolitics and security of the Indo-Pacific region and a former Asia studies visiting fellow at East-West Center in Washington