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From the left, Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese walks with US President Joe Biden and British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak at Point Loma naval base in San Diego, California, on March 13. The three nations make up Aukus, a trilateral security pact for the Indo-Pacific region. Photo: AP
Opinion
Daryl Guppy
Daryl Guppy

Australia’s Albanese sounded the wrong note with his US-friendly tone at the Shangri-La Dialogue

  • Stripped of platitudes, Albanese’s speech aligned with the US concept of regional peace
  • However, there was no acknowledgement of the legitimacy of any of China’s responses to the obvious attempts to contain its development
Shangri-La is a mythical place of peace and tranquillity. Its namesake, the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, does not quite live up to this mythical reputation. At the conference this year, the keynote address by Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese made it clear that, in his opinion, only the US-endorsed version of peace and prosperity is acceptable.

Apparently, peace and stability, complete with “guardrails”, could be achieved by working to support US objectives. Albanese said that “if one nation imagines itself too big for the rules, or too powerful to be held to the standards that the rest of us respect, then our region’s strategic stability is undermined and our individual national sovereignty is eroded”.

There was no doubt the remarks were directed at China, not the United States, as he suggested no change to the stance and approach taken by the Americans.

At a practical level, he could have encouraged the US to rescind the personal sanctions imposed in 2018 on General Li Shangfu, now China’s defence minister. Lifting the sanctions would have gone a long way to enabling an official discussion with US Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin.

Stripped of the platitudes about Australia’s support for the region’s desire for peace and prosperity, Albanese’s speech was an agreement with the US concept of what this peace and prosperity should look like.

There was no acknowledgement of the legitimacy of any of China’s responses to the obvious attempts to contain its development. Instead he said a call for guardrails did not amount to a policy of containment or placing obstacles in the way of any nation’s progress or potential.

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This statement was made despite US-initiated sanctions and the Chips Act, as well as curbs on Huawei and other Chinese competitor companies. US President Joe Biden and other senior officials have acknowledged that these measures are designed to support American primacy and prevent China from overtaking the US in fields as diverse as artificial intelligence and the digital economy. Clearly, it is acceptable for these obstacles to stand in the way of China’s progress.

In offering no criticism of American activity in the region, Albanese’s keynote address made it clear that China would gain legitimacy only if it complied with the conditions of the rules-based order as defined by the US.

It seemed that China’s legitimate interests were confined to the territorial waters inside the 12-nautical-mile limit while the legitimate interests of the United States and Australia encompassed all of the South China Sea and the Indo-Pacific.

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This was a proposition not met with enthusiasm by others around the table. Singapore’s acting prime minister, Lawrence Wong, said Southeast Asia did not want to be forced to pick sides in the region. “No one wants to be in a position where we have to either contain China’s rise or limit America’s presence,” he said. “Any move in either direction will have few takers in the region because no one in Asean wants to see a new cold war.”

Albanese said his government had “put dialogue at the heart of our efforts to stabilise our relationship with China”. He also said: “In boosting our nation’s defence capability, Australia’s goal is not to prepare for war but to prevent it – through deterrence and reassurance and building resilience in the region.”

Australia’s preference for diplomacy is welcome – if it is a genuine commitment. Yet, with the Aukus nuclear-powered submarine deal, Australia’s militarisation runs counter to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ desire to reduce the potential for conflict.

It is clear from Albanese’s keynote address where Australia stands and where it expects regional organisations to stand. “Multilateral institutions are essential to writing the rules and keeping them relevant,” he said, while giving no indication of opposition to China’s exclusion from many of these rule-setting forums. His acknowledgement of the importance of groups such as Asean seemed conditional on their consistency with US objectives.

Albanese cited a recent speech by Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong in China, where he said: “Big powers have a heavy responsibility to maintain stable and workable relations with one another”. Albanese’s endorsement of efforts to create open lines of communication between the US and China was echoed by Asean members.

But, beyond that, the Australian prime minister stumbled in setting the tone for the Shangri-La Dialogue with an address that was so supportive of the assertion of US primacy in the region.

Daryl Guppy is an international financial technical analysis expert and a former national board member of the Australia China Business Council. The views expressed here are his own

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