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An EU Council employee places a sign near European Union national flags ahead of the EU leaders summit amid the coronavirus pandemic in Brussels, on July 16, 2020. Photo: Reuters
Opinion
Andrew Hammond
Andrew Hammond

European Union summit is a showcase of a continent in flux

  • The underlying macro dynamic at the summit is a potentially historic power shift under way, as Germany ushers in new leadership and struggles to avoid recession
  • While there are forces of integration, developments in Hungary and Poland, and the upcoming French presidential election, could prove challenging for the bloc

December is traditionally a quiet month in international diplomacy, yet a lot is changing in Europe both politically and economically at the moment, as will be showcased at the European Union summit of 27 presidents and prime ministers this week.

Much is on the agenda, from tackling the surge in pandemic infections from the Omicron variant, to the significant rise in energy prices, and the Russian military build-up along the border with Ukraine.

The combined impact of these and other developments threatens a new downturn across the continent, with Germany, for instance, teetering on the brink of recession as supply bottlenecks and coronavirus cases hobble the economy. The strong recovery initially anticipated in 2022 is a mirage, according to projections published on Tuesday by the Ifo Institute for Economic Research.

Economics aside, the underlying macro dynamic at the summit is a potentially historic power shift under way in the club of continental leaders that could bring about significant change in the months to come.

Exhibit one is the new pro-EU integration German government which took office last week and is already seeking to make the political weather on the continent.
This follows the voting in last week of left-of-centre Social Democrat politician Olaf Scholz as Angela Merkel’s successor as chancellor, in a coalition that could now bring much change not just to Germany but also Europe and the wider world.

Exhibit two is the new Quirinale Treaty signed last month by Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi and French President Emmanuel Macron to bolster bilateral cooperation in Europe.

The agreement has drawn comparison with the Elysée Treaty between France and Germany created to rebuild their relationship after World War II, and could see significantly stronger international cooperation between Paris and Rome.

French President Emmanuel Macron (left) and Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi at a joint press conference in Rome on November 26 after signing the Quirinal Treaty between Italy and France, which aims to provide a stable and formalised framework for cooperation in relations between the two countries. Photo: AFP

While these twin changes are perceived as broadly positively in Brussels, there are countervailing forces, mainly in Eastern Europe, that complicate the picture.

Exhibit three is the Hungarian government, the only EU administration not invited to US President Joe Biden’s Summit for Democracy last week, with Budapest blocking Brussels from taking a common position toward the conference.

Moreover, only a few weeks ago, Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal ruled that key articles of one of the EU’s primary treaties were incompatible with Polish law, in effect rejecting the principle that EU law has primacy over national legislation in certain judicial areas, fuelling concerns that Warsaw is heading for a “Polexit”.

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In this swirl of political tumult, the future of the EU is difficult to decipher given the multitude of views across the continent.

This debate could remain blurry for some months, at least until April’s French election which could either offer continuity in the form of a Macron second term, or significant change, possibly even a new far-right leader such as Marine Le Pen who was the runner-up last time around.
At least until this political mist clears in France, Scholz, Draghi, Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban will be key players seeking to shape the debate about the continent’s future. And this week’s summit offers a key opportunity to further their ambitions at a crucial moment.
The flags of the European Union and Poland are tied together during a rally in Rzeszow, Poland, on October 10 in support of Poland’s European Union membership after the country’s Constitutional Tribunal ruled on the primacy of the constitution over EU law, undermining a key tenet of European integration. Photo: Agencja Gazeta/Reuters

The future – by and large – that Macron, Scholz, Draghi and some others, including Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez, broadly favour is the 27 member states deciding to do more together, reigniting European integration and growth by deepening cooperation with decisions agreed faster and enforced more quickly.

Building on the decision last year to empower the bloc, for the first time in its history, to raise as much as €750 billion (US$845 billion) in debt to finance a post-coronavirus recovery plan, announcements to look out for in 2022 might include a push for the creation of a deeper European Defence Union, which has assumed new importance for some in Europe since the announcement of the US-UK-Australia security alliance.

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If, however, there are persistent blocks to those agendas, it is plausible that France, Italy, Germany, plus others such as Spain, may move towards more coalitions of the willing in select policy areas to take forward the integration agenda on a flexible basis.

A model here is the euro zone, where some 19 of the current 27 EU members have entered into a monetary union with the euro as the single currency.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and European Council President Charles Michel bump elbows after addressing a media conference at an EU summit in Brussels on July 21, 2020. Weary European Union leaders finally clinched an unprecedented budget and coronavirus recovery fund, after four days and nights of wrangling. Photo: AP

Yet, even this kind of partial, forward movement for the integrationists is far from certain and the full spectrum of scenarios to come also includes the possibility of the EU retreating backwards, post-Brexit.

This might even see, for instance, a retreat to little more than the current economic single market which seeks to guarantee freedom of movement of goods, capital, services and people.

While the direction of the EU is therefore very uncertain, what is clear is that the recent changes across the continent have left the kaleidoscope in flux. Next year could therefore have an outsize impact in defining the economic and political character of the bloc not just in the 2020s, but well beyond.

Andrew Hammond is an associate at LSE IDEAS at the London School of Economics

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